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Gabriele Stötzer's Works as Testimony

Monika Krol
Mourning is regularly the reaction to the loss of the loved person, or to a loss of some abstraction which has taken place of one, such as one's country, liberty, an ideal or so on.
Freud, "Mourning and Melancholia," 164

The German unification of 1990 invites a re-thinking of the concept of mourning in relation to the loss of a country, the former GDR, which was created in 1949 as a result of World War II. The most important product of the GDR are its people, who lived through a special set of experiences, with circumstances shared by a society that proclaimed socialist goals, which they pursued, sometimes with and, lately, more often against the state. Now, the former citizens of the GDR have to come to terms with the loss of their country, a process far more complicated than what politicians assumed it would be 1989. This process involves a profound shift in thinking for at least two generations out of the East German state: one generation which built the state and the other which grew up within a socialist system and did not experience any alternatives to the GDR. David Bathrick predicts that: "the [repressive GDR] system will release its hold not through a single act of revolutionary rupture or conscious renewal but by means of a gradual working through of its forty-year experience over time" (The Powers of Speech 242). In the process of thinking through the events, literature takes the leading role. "Literature becomes a witness, and perhaps the only witness, to the crisis within history which precisely cannot be articulated, witnessed in the given categories of history itself" (Felman, Laub XVIII). In the former GDR, as Bathrick points out, the writers, more than the church or any other oppositional public forum, first opened avenues for freedom of speech ("The End of the Wall" 304). Although "writers were often notable for their absence" in political resistance groups, they significantly contributed to transforming ways of thought (308–09). In this situation for writers in the former GDR, Gabriele Stötzer1 is an exception because she not only participated in the political resistance but also was a strong (female) voice in underground GDR literature. Stötzer's writing makes a statement about her past and her search for her own voice, independent from the GDR's mainstream and from the alternative voice of the Prenzlauer Berg scene. Her writing also testifies to her strong personality, which prevailed the state's many attempts to silence her.
      I have chosen to study Gabriele Stötzer for two reasons: she is interested in exploring different media in order to create a strong female identity; and her work provides a vivid testimony of events before and after the Wende. Testimony, as Shoshana Felman and Dori Laub point out in Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History (1991), is the literary mode par excellence of recent times, defining this era as the age of testimony (5).2 Stötzer's testimony has two aspects: autobiographical and national. In the first, she is bearing witness to her mistreatment by the state. In the second, she offers testimony for the displaced identity of her generation, a generation that faces German unification and the disappearance of its country.
      Stötzer, born in 1953, belongs to this generation of East German artist and writers who grew up in an already socialist state. These young writers such as: Alexander (Sascha) Anderson, Bert Papenfuss-Gorek, Rainer Schedlinski, Uwe Kolbe, Lutz Rathenow and others were more critical of the state and created an East German avant-garde centered in Berlin's Prenzlauer Berg. Sascha Anderson was named the king of Prenzlauer Berg and admired by his colleagues. But as recent findings in the Stasi files reveal, some of these young avant-garde artists (Sascha Anderson among them) were shown to be paid Stasi informers.3 As Stötzer observed, this scene was primarily male: "immer die Männer die überzahl hatten und dominierten [an der literarischen PrenzlauerBergSzene ist das am auffälligsten]" ("Frauenszene und Frauen in der Szene" 133). She was asked by Anderson to join the Berlin group but she refused to do so because she wanted to retain her individuality and she suspected that Anderson had contacts with the Stasi (Interview 20 Aug. 1995). After the Wende made Stasi files public, she discovered that Anderson was one of the IMs (Inoffizieller Mitarbeiter), who spied on her.4
      Stötzer was searching for a professional role model and had shown her work to Christa and Gerhard Wolf both of whom were prominent writers in the GDR.5 Christa Wolf was at first supportive of the socialist state but became increasingly critical of its limitations of freedom in the 1970s.6 The contact to Christa Wolf is documented in Stötzer's Stasi files: "In einem Brief an die DDR-Schriftstellerin Christa Wolf spricht sie von der Suche nach einer gültigen Frauenfigur, wobei sie selbst diese Figur sein möchte. Hierbei gerät sie in ihren Auffassungen z.T. an die Grenze normal denkenden Menschenverstandes" ("Frauenszene und Frauen in der Szene" 133). Christa Wolf warned Stötzer about ignoring censorship in her writing (Was bleibt 107), but this was exactly what Stötzer refused to do.
      Stötzer is a noteworthy exception to the collaboration between GDR writers and the state. Christa Wolf called Stötzer "die zerstörte Seele gesund geschrieben" (Lahan 41). Beginning with the Biermann affair in 1976 and continuing until 1990, Stötzer spoke publicly against the regime.7 In November of 1976 Stötzer signed a protest letter for Wolf Biermann, who was deprived of his citizenship for political reasons. Her signature was the first on the petition. She still remembered that when she was signing this letter "[es wurde] ihr schwarz vor Augen" (Lahan 41). Her friend, Jürgen Fuchs8 collected signatures in Erfurt by telling the public that in Berlin hundreds of people had already signed this letter. Stötzer recalls that she did not sleep at that time and had good reason for anticipating trouble (Interview 22 Aug. 1995). While she was carrying the letter to Berlin, she was arrested. Her inability to sleep came from her deliberations over the decision to become formally involved in opposition to the GDR's government. However, she decided to risk her freedom for her beliefs. After her arrest, she was tried for Republikhetze (rebelling against the state) and sentenced to one year in a political prison in Hoheneck in Thüringia in 1977.9
      Stötzer's incarceration was extremely difficult for her physically and emotionally. During her imprisonment she suffered from kidney disease, which was misdiagnosed as Bauchhöhlenschwangerschaft (ectopic pregnancy). She described herself at that time: "Ich habe wie ein Tier reagiert, sagt sie. Hab' gebrüllt, gekotzt, ins Klo gesprochen, Klopfzeichen gelernt, ich mußte doch Überleben" (Interview 22 Aug. 1994). She underwent surgery for the ectopic pregnancy, but the doctors could not find anything, so they opened her tubes. After the surgery she heard: "Sie können jetzt wunderbar Kinder bekommen" (Interview 22 Aug. 1995). Stötzer awoke saying to them that children are a responsibility and that she felt she could not protect herself: "Ich hab' mich auf der Welt nicht gefunden, also setz' ich keine Kinder in die Welt " (Interview 22 Aug. 1995). She was not warned by the doctors of the danger of the surgical procedure she underwent. She was released in 1978.
      In 1980 Stötzer began work as a freelance artist. She directed the art gallery "Galerie im Flur" in the Pergamentergasse in Erfurt until the gallery closed on April 1, 1981. Gallery work was forbidden to her because Stötzer developed too many contacts to artists in Dresden, Berlin, Leipzig and Rostock. The state viewed the multi-regional contacts as a threat to its control over the development of art. Sascha Anderson, a purported friend, had denounced her work to the Stasi as dangerous to the socialist state.10
      Stötzer tried to publish her texts in Sinn und Form, but her texts were rejected with a short comment that the journal was not interested in her work.11 She could only publish in the underground journals such as "und" and "micado."12 With the freedom that the Wende brought about she has published a steady stream of work.13 zügel los (1989), her first book, provides a testimony of events which happened to the artist between 1982 and 1987. The second anthology grenzen los fremd gehen (1992) details her mistreatment by the Stasi, but it also functions as a diary for both her dreams and reality-based entries. Written during the Wende, these texts discuss the need to mourn the loss of the Vaterland, but there is hope for a better future. The texts in grenzen los fremd gehen depict radical gender roles, because the Wende opened a variety of starting points for Stötzer, the possibility for greater intellectual challenges and interests for women. In her third book erfurter roulette (1995), Stötzer again bears witness to her past and to the historical changes in East Germany. Thematically this book is a continuation of grenzen los fremd gehen.

I Stötzer's Attempt to Re-Define Her Language

The most important tool for literary testimony is its language. Stötzer consciously makes a choice not to reproduce existing forms because they border for her on plagiarism, which she despises, and because she believes that her experiences cannot be articulated in any 14. Stötzer's narrative is disintegrated, which stresses its testimonial character. In testimony, which Stötzer delivers, language is in process and on trial, rather than presenting itself as a conclusion. Stötzer is "bearing witness" to a crisis of truth which cannot be verbalized or can only verbalized in speech or performance that radically departs from traditional discourse.15 Stötzer's poetry responds to the crises of truth through such devices as her use of non-capital letters, which she explains: "Ich haße das Deutsche, das Statische. Die Großschreibung hat etwas mit dem Drang nach oben zu tun, wozu sich die Deutschen gern verleiten ließen" (Interview 20 Aug. 1995). She consistently eschews capitalizing nouns.16 She proposes that in the future German languages should be less pompous and resemble other European languages which function well without capitalizing nouns. Stötzer's language is full of subjective metaphors because: "ich muß die welt immer so begriffen haben wie sie ist" (zügel los 49). Her language is a mixture of: "die verkündete [sprache], die verbietende sprache, die willenssprache, die tastsprache, die testsprache, die vorsprache, die nichtlebenssprache, die gefälligkeitssprache, die papiersprache, die verheißungssprache, die resigniersprache" (zügel los 50).
      In her texts Stötzer employs elements of slang or dialect (Thüringisch), which expand the descriptive capacity of traditional language. A number of sensual words intensify the description of a relationship, the state of being in love and making love. With these tools Stötzer paints a broader picture and engages the reader's imagination. She speaks her mind, she screams the unsaid, and accordingly her texts impress and fascinate by their very sincerity.17
      Her language has undergone a number of important changes but there are three primary stages. In the early 80s, Stötzer created her own language, consisting of her fantasies and words from a fictitious Old High German:

harun et horun ni sanktu ketrorum an indra de kelum milankum den tscho fisku bet kasko rit gerum ni vegum an tschantum di rega ni mena ditschau. (zügel los 94)

      Poem's in Stötzer's first anthology zügel los are similar to the one above and they sound like a Gregorian chant. She realized, however, that this new language had led her to a commercial and artistic dead end: by placing herself outside the mainstream she received no recognition. She stopped writing in this vein and returned to searching for a new language, which she explains in her recent essay "die möglichkeit der sprache in und nach einem totalitären system" (1995):
ich weiß nicht ob ich mich verkroch in die anderen räume knast untergrund prenzlauerbergszene punkszene frauengruppe immer hatte ich aber ein mittel mir ein eigenes erlebnisfeld zu schaffen das mich zu eigenen spüren brachte zu eigenen urteilen. . . . (60)

      Her search for a new language included visual and material expression such as film, photography, and fashion design. She perceived art as a great treasure house storing the most diverse languages, such as the language of literature, the language of film, the language of a photograph and the language of fashion.
      The second stage of her quest for a new language is immediately connected with the Wende, which allowed her to publish her texts and their accompanying drawings. Her second anthology, grenzen los fremd gehen, illustrates her new technique. Her language is now more understandable, although she does not obey the rules of German punctuation or the capitalization of nouns. The third stage is illustrated by her newest book erfurter roulette, in which her rhythmical prose again challenges borders—this time the one between literature and music.
      Ultimately Stötzer hopes that new pictures and experiences, which emerged after the Wende, will inspire a more beautiful language. In 1995, she sought a language which is like a rhythmical dance:
die zukunft ist für mich das finden eleganter intelligenter bilder neuer bilder die andere bewegungen und körperliche schönheiten mit sich bringen die worte anders sich umschlingen lassen wie körper einen freien tanz erfinden der ihnen alle sprachen und melodien zugänglich macht. ("die möglichkeit der sprache"63)

      Stötzer seems to have found the melody in the language of her third book erfurter roulette:
dessen was mir passierte ist eine reißverschlußgeschichte die aufreißt und zuschweißt die ineinanderhakt und so passend besinnungslos funktioniert. (8)

      The consonants -ss- and -ß- form a rhyme inside the line (Innenreim) and their sound underlines the harshness of the narrator's experiences. The changes in the language parallel a significant shift in Stötzer's life. She left the women's artist group in Erfurt because she discovered that living and working only with women was a limitation of the wholeness from life and art.18 In another text entitled "raumata" she plays with words, again resorting to alliteration:
lebensweise eine weise eine weiße eine weisheit.
eine weisung ein hinweis tatsachen delikte eine falle ein fall ....
es kristalisieren sich wege von wegen sagen schweigen verschweigen anschweigen anlachen überlachen denken anders. (40)

      Stötzer's attempt to find her own literary language illustrates the process of coming to terms with her past on personal and national levels.

II Stötzer's Writing and Art as a Personal Testimony

After Stötzer's release from prison in 1978 the state made numerous attempts to first find a way to criminalize her again and to silence her. Stötzer writes in the first person about these attempts of victimization by the state in her testimony: "Gelang das Kriminalisieren oder das Definieren als politisch staatsfeindlich nicht, begann das Biologisieren. Sosehr sie bei mir nach einem politischen Anlaß zur Verurteilung als Staatshetzerin suchten und nicht finden konnten, sosehr versuchten sie mich als Frau zu sexualisieren und zu idiotisieren" ("Frauenszene und Frauen in der Szene" 131) which is documented in the reports to the Stasi by the IM David Menzel (the code name for Sascha Anderson) : "Der psychische Zustand der K. ist durch Hysterie, Verfolgungswahn und permanente Unruhe gekennzeichnet . . . Zu vermuten ist, daß sie gegenwärtig keinen Halt bei irgendeiner Person verspürt und in sexueller Hinsicht weder bei Frauen noch bei Männer auf Interesse stößt" ("Frauenszene und Frauen in der Szene" 132).
      Despite these humiliating conditions in which she worked, Stötzer did not give up writing, which for her also meant working through her prison experience. Many times during the year spent in the cell, she was depressed and these episodes manifested themselves in crying, nightmares, and silence (Interview Aug. 20, 1995). But after a bout of self-pity, she realized that she could use this time to learn more about her body:

mein interesse auf jegliches nachaußengerichtetsein blockierte sich. es war eine bewußt gewollte ignoranz, die mich umschloß, sie trieb mich in eine einsamkeit, in der ich mich in einem übermaß mit mir selbst beschäftigte, durch die dünn gewordene schicht, zwischen haut und knochen, begann ich in korrespondenz zu treten mit meiner inneren anatomie. (zügel los 63)

      The detachment of Stötzer's libido from external objects and its withdrawal on to her internal world is an example of introversion. This process was a step towards transference of her prison experience into a film on the same subject. An 8 mm film, Zelle 5 (1990), can be interpreted as the mourning of her prison experience. The film takes place in the same cell where she spent a year. She holds a loaf of bread in her arm as she would hold a child. She is also trying to hide her bread/child because she is afraid that somebody is going to take it away from her.19 This film provides the protagonist with a possibility of coming to terms with her previous experience which was encrypted in her inner self.20 This Freudian process of working-through is what Abraham and Torok name "introjection," which "represents our ability to survive shock, trauma, or loss; it is a psychic process that allows human beings to continue to live harmoniously in spite of instability, devastation, war, and upheaval" (Rand 14). For Stötzer the process of introjection played an important role in her decision to write and make films.
      The process of working through manifests itself in her writing on three levels: first, by providing a narration for her abuse in prison and the surveillance by the state, second, by providing the reader with a documentation from her Stasi files. In a few of her texts Stötzer quotes directly from her Stasi files. These quotes establish a bridge between her literary testimony and traditional legal testimony. By using the style of traditional testimony, she engages the reader in the process of bearing witness. The quotes might be thought of as helping to create, after the fact, her missing witness. Therefore her testimony is the process by which the narrator reclaims her position as a witness:
peter krause, IMB "Breaky," XX/2; "durch zielgerichte blickfeldmaßnahmen und kombinationen gelang es, ein vertrauensverhältnis zu k. herzustellen und somit unmittelbare hinweise auf pläne und absichten der k. sowie wesentliche Sachverhalte zu ihrem persönlichkeitsbild zu erarbeiten. (grenzen los fremd gehen 177)

      The last function of her texts is to come to terms with recent findings in her Stasi-files, in which she learned that many of her friends betrayed her by spying on her, by being Stasi collaborators, as she describes in her newest book erfurter roulette. Besides Sascha Anderson, another friend, Klaus, was discovered after the Wende to be Stasi IM. This inspires the comment that "trümmerfrauen immer wieder wie nach irgendeinem krieg wegtragen das zerstörte. die ddr. der stasistaat der männer" (28). From these files she also learned how the state effectively undermined the cohesion of the Biermann petition signers: "mir blieben gerade die geschichten und gesichter in erinnerung die die gespräche mit der Stasi dramatisierten [,] die art wie sie abgeholt wurden[,] ihre auseinandersetzung[,] den ansteigenden konflikt und ihr aufseufzendes ende." Many claimed they had withstood this pressure, but by now the Stasi files had opened "und wir alle darin lesen konnten wie sie die unterschrift abschwörten" (71).

III Mourning over the Loss of the Socialist State

Stötzer, despite her many troubles with the police and the state, considers herself a child of the GDR, but at the same time she belongs to the generation of "sinnlos nachgeborenen". In reference to Brecht's famous poem "An die Nachgeborenen" she writes about the typical feeling of her generation in "an die 40jährigen" (zügel los 79). She begins by explaining that her texts are disintegrated because this style resembles her feelings about her generation which is: "zu spät gekommen, ein klein wenig zu spät für eure ordnung um eintritt zu finden dazu, zutritt in den raum der geregelten abläufe" (79). She accuses the over forty generation of not considering the votes of her generation in making decisions. The old generation built a country with one seemingly stable ideology, in which everything seemed static: the rents, the houses, the way of thinking. Suddenly these values were not true anymore: "ihr habt uns nicht übriggelassen, und so sind wir aufgewachsen im nichts" (zügel los 80). Despite this fact, she decided to stay in the GDR when she had an opportunity to leave in 1978. In erfuter roulette she describes her 1978 meeting with the Dutchman Jan in Prague. At this time Stötzer and Jan could only meet in East Block countries, since as a GDR citizen she could not freely travel to the West. They were separated by ideological differences: "damals trafen wir uns unvereinbar. damals der kampf zwischen hier und dort. damals hieß das kapitalistische holland und die sozialistische ddr" (57). In Prague in a cementary she heard voices telling her to stay in the East where she had a mission to fulfill: "wir waren nachts auf dem judenfriedhof in prag zwei deutsche und zwei holländer. [. . . ] ich lief und wartete auf die stimmen die mich in mein schicksal schicken sollten in eine aufgabe [. . .] ich bin herrin meines willens begriff ich und selbstverantwortlich drin in meinem eigenen leben" (erfurter roulette 64).
      Perhaps Stötzer's mission was to witness the changes in her country and to write about them. In grenzen los fremd gehen she addresses the historical shock of 1989 and how it manifested itself in the community she lived in. One day, when she did not find the Russian magazine Sputnik in the "kiosks" because the magazine ceased publication she did not know how to react. The absence of the magazine symbolized the loss of a previous reality. Her reaction to this loss was to attend an autopsy in the morgue of the Medical School in Erfurt (Interview Aug. 22, 1995). Her cycle "In der Pathologie I" describes in detail what she saw :

Ich war heute morgen in der pathologie
ein mann wurde obduziert der die nacht gestorben war
38 jahre der kopf war schon aufgemeißelt das gehirn
entnommen
. . .
davor hatte ich eine durchwachte nacht
wegen der kunst und der politik und der gegenständlichkeit
meiner sinne
mein dasein ist wahr. (grenzen los fremd gehen 12)

      The removal of the man's brain had a symbolic meaning for Stötzer by manifesting the impact of German unification on the East German nation and by the realization that she is a whole person. She went to the morgue to be a witness to the autopsy, in contrast to the historical changes in her country. In both cases she was bearing witness to a death: of a person and of a country. Stötzer, after seeing another body destroyed and realizing that hers was not, regained confidence in her strength. This experience helped her to concentrate on building a new future to replace her dead country.
      That night after the autopsy she could not sleep, but next morning she continued her work in the Bürgerrat (citizen's council) and the Bürgerwache (citizen's watch force) in Erfurt. In the fall of 1989 Stötzer hoped that women from the organization "frauen für veränderung" could maintain their newly-gained influence on the administration of the city, but the women who guarded the secret archives of city hall had to return to work or to go home and prepare meals for their families or take care of their children. Her dream of giving GDR women the long-promised equality in governing the city never became reality.
      In 1992 Stötzer withdrew from the political arena when it became obvious that democratization was discredited by West German "colonialism." She now lives in Utrecht and devotes her time to writing. She claims that with her last book erfurter roulette she ended the working through or introjection of her past experience.
      I think that in the future Stötzer will identify herself more with East German culture than with that of the West. This for her will be an ambivalent feeling, because it is the capitalist democracy that makes her work available to the public.

Notes


      1. Gabriele Stötzer was previously known as Gabriele Kachold, or Stötzer-Kachold. Kachold was her married name, which she stopped using in 1992. In this text I use her current name, but in the Stasi files that I quote she is referred to as k., standing for Kachold.
      2. Felman and Laub base this statement on Elie Wiesel's observations. In the article "The Holocaust as a Literary Inspiration," Wiesel writes: "If the Greeks invented tragedy, the Romans the epistle and the Renaissance the sonnet, our generation invented a new literature, that of testimony" (9).
      3. The New Yorker magazine of May 25, 1992 questions whether the Prenzlauer Berg style was cynically programmed, or a mirror image of official agitprop (41). David Bathrick counters that most of the members of this group were not involved in IM activities (The Powers of Speech 239). The two collaborators whom Bathrick clearly identifies were Sascha Anderson and Rainer Schedlinski. Anderson operated under the code names David Menzel, Fritz Müller, and Peters (222). The first two names appear often in Stötzer's Stasi files. For more information see also Cosentino/Müller, Mann, and Grimm.
      4. In an interview with Birgit Dahlke on March 12, 1993 published in Deutsche Bücher, Stötzer characterized Anderson's style as derivative. She said that he stole ideas from other artists with the help of the Stasi:
Anderson ging es um Zerstörung von Beziehungen und Projekten, um aus den Bruchstücken seine eigene Projekte machen zu können, mit Hilfe der Stasi. In den Akten finden sich solche Pläne ab 1982, in denen er Künstler hin und her schob, als gehörten sie ihm. . . . Seine Interesse waren die der Stasi. Inwieweit er eine eigene Identität hatte oder inwieweit er im System der Stasi gefangen war, weiß ich nicht. Ich weiß nicht, wer Sascha Anderson ist. Ich weiß nur, daß er der Stasi stets die Informationen gegeben hat, über die der jeweilige Mensch zu brechen war. (245)

      In Stötzer's opinion, the privileges that Anderson bought in this way were not worth the price. She also mentioned in the above interview that Sascha Anderson was called the king of the Prenzlauer Berg, always surrounded by young male writers whose wives he usually seduced: "die Frauen dieser Literaten hat er meistens beschlafen, was er wieder den Männern erzählt und damit die Beziehungen zerbrochen hat" (245).
      5. Stötzer is this young dissident writer portrayed in Christa Wolf's Was bleibt (1990).
      6. For a detailed discussion of the development of Wolf's criticism see my dissertation (90–94). I agree with David Bathrick that East German intellectuals had a tendency to speak within an alternative Marxist discourse (The Powers of Speech 228), a point well illustrated in the case of Christa Wolf, who, in her speech on East Berlin's Alexanderplatz on November 4, 1989 called on East German citizens to actively participate in the changes (Im Dialog 95). On November 8, 1989 Wolf appealed to the younger generation to stay in the country and help rebuild the GDR (96).
      7. The 1976 expulsion of Wolf Biermann from the GDR was an important event to the cultural history of the GDR. Biermann grew up in Hamburg but his communist sympathies led him to settle in the GDR in 1953. His songs and poems were pro-communist, but their gibes at the Berlin Wall and the Stasi got him in trouble with the government, which for a while refused to allow him to publish and banned publication of his work. It was, however, published in the West, and he was allowed to make concert tours there until a concert in Hamburg after which the government deprived Biermann of his citizenship for "slandering our socialist state." This forced Biermann to retire to his native city. His expulsion caused protests both at home and abroad (Ardagh 399). In the GDR itself, twelve writers signed a protest. The government refused to relent and exacted reprisals against the signatories.
      8. Jürgen Fuchs, born in 1950, is an East German writer who was also influenced by Bloch's philosophy of hope; G. Hielke, a former student of Bloch, was his teacher in Gymnasium. He was imprisoned for nine months due to his involvement in the Biermann affair and his intention to publish in the FRG. He published his diaries (Gedächtnisprotokolle [1977] and Vernehmungsprotokolle [1978]) from prison. After his release he left the GDR and lived in West Berlin.
      9. I do not have access to the wording of the charges against Stötzer. In an interview with Renate Zucht and Angelika Grabner, Stötzer said: "In den Knast ging wegen des Satzes: Die Ausbürgerung war nicht rechtmäßig. Gesagt hatte ich: Es war nicht richtig." The same article published a copy of Stötzer's Stasi file from June 18, 1979, including the following information about her prison sentence: "Die K., Gabriele wurde bereits im OV (Operativen Verfahren) 'Kapitän' unserer DE wegen Sammlung von Unterschriften gegen die Aberkennung der Staatsbürgerschaft von Biermann op. [operativ] bearbeitet und gemäß & 220 StGB zu 1 Jahr Freiheitsetzung verurteilt."
      10. In a letter of January 26, 1996, Stötzer wrote to me about the closing of this gallery:
die galerie im flur wurde am 1. april 1981 verboten. ich hatte sie 1 Jahr geleitet. in dieser zeit begann ich mit dem kontakt zu künstlern aus dresden, berlin, leipzig, rostock die grenzen erfurts zu überschreiten. solange ich in erfurts lokalgassen herumirrte und dort etwas machte, was es ein dankbares feld für die stasi, da sie immer etwas zu observieren hatten. wie früher 1976 meine exmatrikulation an der pädagogischen hochschule in erfurt erst dann erfolgte, als wir studenten mit jenaer studenten und leuten aus berlin kontakt aufnahmen. diese überregionalität war gefährlich und es wurde ein grund gesucht dies zu beenden. das hieß liquidieren, also die galerie im flur ist 'liquidiert' worden, nachdem ich einen dresdener maler ausstellen wollte, der wünschte, daß zu seiner eröffnung sein freund sascha anderson liest, was damals üblich war, eine eröffnung mit kulturbeilage. über sascha ging die information und der kontakt und die meldung und fotos über aufbau und anzahl der bilder und eingeladener freunde aus dresden über die letzte ausstellung zur stasi. das verbot der galerie wurde dann im rathaus in erfurt ausgeprochen. ich habe massige seiten in meiner stasiakte über diesen vorgang. die stasi hat ellenlange konzeptionen über die ' . . . liquidierung der tätigkeit der genannten privatgalerie sowie die verunsicherung und zersetzung der operativ-bearbeiten personenkreise . . .' angefertigt. da war die partei, der bürgermeister, die abteilung der kultur einbezogen, was sie 'ständige koordinierung zwischen mfs und öftl. staatsapparat in allen belangen' nannten. es war also ein anlaß.

      11. In an interview of August 20, 1995 Stötzer states that Sinn und Form is now interested in publishing her texts. She comments that: "alles, was psycholigiesiert war, wurde natürlich nicht veröffentlicht. Die DDR, das war so ein mittelalterliches System."
      12. As in the Soviet Union, the GDR had its own samizdat culture, or the secret publication and distribution of government-banned literature.
      13. In 1989 she published the following: zügel los; "Kunst ist ein Rhythmus, in dem frau leben kann;" in 1990: "mein erfurt – mein mittelalter;" "gegen die führungsrolle des mannes;" "mein einziger innigster Todeswunsch;" in 1991: "traumprotokolle," "ersatz und ganz schön bequem;" in 1992: grenzen los fremd gehen; "die würfel sind gefallen," "Wählen wir die Geschichte als Geschichten;" in 1993: "Frauenszene und Frauen in der Szene," "wenn einer der beatles ein IM wäre;" in 1994: "Hierbleiben," Sinn und Form 46.1 (1994): 115–17; in 1995: "die möglichkeit der sprache in und nach einem totalitären system"; and erfurter roulette.
      14. As a student she tried to write plays for a students' theater in Erfurt, but she soon concluded that her writing was not original:
ich weiß nicht ob ich das wort plagiat dachte doch es schiebt sich heute mein bewußtsein was ich damals spürte war ein sehr schamvoller moment ich schämte mich etwas in die welt gesetzt zu haben wovon ich eigentlich nichts verstand was ich gar nicht wußte was ich gar nicht verantworten konnte und hörte sofort auf weiterzuschreiben ("die möglichkeit der sprache" 58).

      15. Felman points out the relationship between poetry and testimony using an example of Stephane Mallarmé's poetry. She describes Mallarmé's poetry: "[a]s testimony to an accident which is materially embodied in an accidenting of the verse" (19).
      16. Her view is just the opposite of a spelling reform proposed in November 1995 which recommended that more words be capitalized. The reform found more critics than supporters. See "Neue Regeln: Jetzt oder nie," 102–09.
      17. Gerhard Wolf points out in the foreword to Stötzer's first book zügel los:
Vielleicht hat sich hier in diesen Jahren keine Frau so rückhalt- und wehrlos, daß heißt auch wagehalsig auszuprechen versucht, ohne sich an die bekannten Spielregeln zu halten. . . . Gabriele Kachold ist sehr jung wegen politischer Unbotmäßigkeit kriminalisiert und verurteilt worden. Sie hat sich dem ausgesetzt und Ausweichmöglichkeiten nicht gesucht. Zweifellos sind ihre Texte von dieser existentiellen Situation motiviert und gezeichnet, nicht nur in den Passagen, in denen sie direkt davon spricht, Übrigends wie ich meine, auf bravouröse Weise vorurteilsfrei, nicht getrieben von Selbstmitleid oder Selbstgerechtigkeit, wenn auch nicht ohne Zwang anspruchsvoller Selbstbehauptung, die die krasse Gebärde kennt (I).

      18. From the beginning of 1980s until the Wende Stötzer was active in a women's group in Erfurt, which supported women's needs; this included helping one women arrange an abortion and another one pay her electricity bill (Interview 20. Aug. 1995).
      19. There is indeed a connection between her surgery and her decision not to have children. In a conversation preceding the publication of her first book zügel los, entitled "Kunst ist ein Rhythmus, in dem frau leben kann," Stötzer stressed that she did not intend to meet social expectations of child bearing (21).
      20. For the psychoanalytic study of endocryptic identification see Abraham and Torok's essay on "'The Lost Object—Me:' Notes on Endocryptic Idetification" 143–55.

Bibliography


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———. "'The Lost Object and Me:' Notes on Endocryptic Identification." The Shell and the Kernel. 139–57.

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Bathrick, David. The Powers of Speech: The Politics of Culture in the GDR. Lincoln & London: UP of Nebraska, 1995.

———. "The End of the Wall. Before the End of the Wall." German Studies Review 14 (1991): 297–311.

Cosentino, Christine and Wolfgang Müller, Eds. Im Widerstand/In Missverstand? Zur Literatur des Prenzlauer Bergs. East German Studies 8. New York: Peter Lang, 1995.

———. "Die Kunst der Rebellion. Zur Lyrik des 'Prenzlauer Bergs' als er noch hinter der Mauer lag." Im Widerstand/Im Missverstand. 5–23.

Dahlke, Birgit. "Gespräch mit Gabriele Stötzer-Kachold." Deutsche Bücher 23.4 (1993): 242–58.

Felman, Shoshana and Dori Laub. Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History. New York: Routledge, 1992.

Freud, Sigmund. "Mourning and Melancholia." The Freud Reader. Ed. Peter Gay. New York: Norton & Company, 1995.

Fuchs, Jürgen. Gedächtnisprotokolle. Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1977.

———. Vernehmungsprotokolle. Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1978.

Grimm, Erk. "Der Körper des Gedichts: Zur Poesie des Prenzlauer Bergs." Im Widerstand/Im Missverstand. 91–119.

Lahan, Birgit. "'Lass mich schreibend wieder leben': Gabriele Kachold: Autorin aus Erfurt." Süddeutsche Zeitung 2 July 1994: V2/41.

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Mann. Ekkehard. "Autonomie oder Gegenkultur? überlegungen zur Literaturszene um den Prenzlauer Berg." Im Widerstand/Im Missverstand. 23–51.

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Rand, Nicholas. "Introduction." The Shell and the Kernel. 1–22.

Stötzer, Gabriele. Letter to author. January 26, 1996.

———. Personal Interview. August 20–22, 1996.

———. erfurter roulette. Munich: Kirchheim, 1996.

———. "die möglichkeit der sprache in und nach einem totalitären system." Palmbaum: Literarisches Journal aus Thüringen 3.2 (1995): 57–64.

———. "Hierbleiben." Sinn und Form 46.1 (1994): 115–17.

———. "Frauenszene und Frauen in der Szene." Machtspiele, Literatur und Staatssicherheit. Eds. Peter Böthig and Klaus Michael. Leipzig: Reclam, 1993. 129–38.

———. "wenn einer der beatles ein IM gewesen wäre." Das Argument 35.6 (1993): 853–7.

———. grenzen los fremd gehen. Berlin: Janus, 1992.

———. "Wählen wir die Geschichte als Geschichten!" Welche Geschichte wählen wir. Ed. Antonia Grunenberg. Hamburg: Junius, 1992. 119–27.

———. "die würfel sind gefallen." Vogel oder Käfig sein: Kunst und Literatur aus Unabhängigen Zeitschriften aus der DDR 1979–1989. Eds. Klaus Michael und Thomas Wohlfahrt. Berlin: Edition Garlev, 1992. 120–22.

———. Undine geht sagt Undine, und bleibt. Ill. by Walter Sachs. Getty Center of History of Arts and Humanities, Los Angeles. 1989.

———. "traumprotokolle." Labyrinthe: Träume und Traumgeschichten. Berlin: Neues Leben, 1991. 325–28.

———. "ersatz und ganz schön bequem." Gute Nacht, du Schöne: Autorinnen blicken zurück. Frankfurt am Main: Luchterhand, 1991. 124–35.

———. "Nachwort." Der springende Spiegel: Begegnungen mit Frauen zwischen Oder und Elbe. Ed. Karen Margolis. Frankfurt am Main: Luchterhand, 1991. 137–40.

———, dir. Zelle 5. 1990 [A copy of this film is only available from Ms. Stötzer's library.]

———. "Mein einziger innigster Todeswunsch." Die andere Sprache: Neue DDR-Literatur der 80er Jahre. Munich: edition text und kritik, 1990. 188.

———. "mein erfurt – mein mittelalter." Schöne Aussichten: Neue Prosa der DDR. Eds. Christa Doering and Hanjo Steinert. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1990. 273–89.

———. "gegen die führungsrolle des mannes." Naumann, Die Geschichte ist offen 91–7.

———, dir. Hab Ich Euch Nicht Blendend Amüsiert. 1989. [A copy of this film is only available from Ms. Stötzer's library.]

———. "Werkstatt. Kunst ist ein Rhythmus, in dem frau leben kann. Gespräch mit Gabriele Kachold." Temperamente: Blätter für junge Literatur 3 (1989): 21–8.

———. zügel los. Berlin: Aufbau Verlag, 1989.

———, dir. Die Verführung. 1988. [A copy of this film is only available from Ms. Stötzer's library.]

Wiesel, Elie. "The Holocaust as a Literary Inspiration." Dimensions of the Holocaust. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1977. 9–13.

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———. Was bleibt? Frankfurt: Luchterhand, 1990.

Zucht, Renate and Angelika Grabner. "Deutsch? Das sag' ich nur Wei·kohl." Junge Welt 5 September 1992: 26.

 

Copyright: New German Review.